Thursday 23 December 2010

Nuseri Gools

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# NUSAYRI BELIEFS

Introduction

As a religious sect, the Nusayris have historically lived as a secretive minority. They have long been described as one of the Shi’ite ghulat, “exaggerators” or “extremist Shi’ites”, which all share some notion of the deification of Ali ibn Abu Talib, as is the case with the Nusayris. Many features of Nusayri religion, however, set it apart both from “mainstream” Islam, either Sunni or Shi’ite, and from the other so-called “ghulat” sects. This paper will examine two major theological distinctives of the Nusayri religion, the concept of divine manifestations, and antinominianism, with a view to understanding its position outside of mainstream Islamic thought.

Today Nusayris number at least 600,000 (although many sources claim numbers as high as 2.2 million), and are found predominantly in Syria and in the southern Turkish cities of Antakya, Iskenderun, Adana, and Tarsus. As with many heterodox sects, the Nusayris have suffered oppression and marginalization since their founding. Jacques Weulersse writes: “Isolated in rough country, surrounded by a hostile population, henceforth without communications with the outside world, the 'Alawis [another name for the Nusayris] began to live out their solitary existence in secrecy and repression.”

In a historic exception to this pattern of repression, the sect has risen to particular prominence since the 1970’s when Syria’s government came under Nusayri control. The current Syrian presidency and many influential positions of leadership continue to be held by Nusayris.

The name “Nusayri” is itself a subject of some dispute. In 1922 when an independent Nusayri state was created by French authorities and called the “Dawlat al-Alawiyyin” (The Alawi State), many Nusayris rejoiced that their “lawful name”, Alawis, had been restored. And while most prefer to be called Alawi, perceiving the name Nusayri as a pejorative label, the sect has always been known as Nusayri. Referring to this specific group as Alawi is further complicated by the fact that the term Alawi can refer to any Shiite as a follower of Ali. By a similar linguistic complication, Turkey’s Nusayris are normally grouped together with the other “Alevi” groups which have no historic connection to the Nusayris. However, their own secretiveness has prevented the Nusayris from engaging in any serious effort at distinguishing themselves.

While many fatwas and treatises have been written against the Nusayri religion, in evidence to their heterodox status, the most well known comes from Ibn Taymiyya, a prominent 13th-14th century Muslim jurist and scholar. Ibn Taymiyya described the Nusayris as “greater disbelievers than the Jews and Christians” and categorized them as among the worst of polytheists. His major theological objections to the sect concern the the Nusayri conception of God and their preference for allegorical interpretation of Islamic law and the Qur’an, which are outworkings, respectively, of the two theological concepts to be dealt with here.

Such strong polemical language against the Nusayris is not limited to the 13th century, however. Many speeches, tracts, and websites continue to be produced to “warn true believers” about the dangers of the Nusayri religion. In Turkey on October 6, 1998, for example, Recai Kutan, the leader of a prominent Islamist party, publicly called the Nusayris a “perverted” sect, which sparked backlash from Nusayris as well as from human rights groups in Turkey.

The Emergence of Nusayri Religion

The religion of the Nusayris emerged in the middle of the ninth century in Iraq. There is debate as to the origin of the sect and its name, but most contemporary historians accept that the eponym and founder was Muhammad ibn Nusayr. Ibn Nusayr may have been a supporter of Ali al-Hadi, the tenth Shi’i Imam (d. 868), although Nusayri tradition teaches that Ibn Nusayr was a follower and companion of Hasan al-Askari, the eleventh Shi’i Imam. There is evidence that Ibn Nusayr independently began to proclaim the divinity of the Imam and that the Imam denounced him for this reason. After the death of the 11th Imam, however, and with the developing doctrine of “ghayba”, Ibn Nusayr claimed to be the prophet and bab, or “door” of Hasan al-Askari who was a manifestation of God.

Nusayri sources claim that Hasan al-Askari entrusted this new revelation to Muhammad ibn Nusayr, which was to be revealed only to initiates. Al-Tabarani, an important Nusayri theologian recounts a story said to be transmitted by Muhammad ibn Jundab, an aide of al-Askari, in which a “delegation of Persian horseman” came to visit the Imam. When they arrived they found Ibn Nusayr standing next to the Imam. After the delegation had made their requests of the Imam and given him coins in tribute, al-Askari ordered Ibn Nusayr to sign the coins and return them to the Persians. On one side of the coin was written, “There is no god but the master al-Hasan al-Askari, his ism Muhammad, and his bab Muhammad [b. Nusayr].” On the other side was written, “There is no god but al-Hasan al-Askari, his ism Muhammad, and his bab Abu Shuayb Muhammad b. Nusayr b. Bakr al Namiri; whoever says otherwise is lying.” The story continues to vindicate the Nusayri religion over the claims of the Ishaqiyyas, a sect with competing claims and similar origins.

The Nusayri religion continued to develop, particularly under Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Hamdan al-Khasibi (d. 957), a successor to Ibn Nusayr. Al-Khasibi is credited with “unifying the sect and consolidating their teachings.” His remaining works are an important source of information about the sect and he is still venerated by Nusayris today. Another successor, Surur b. al-Kasim al-Tabarani (d.1034-35) was also influential in shaping and preserving Nusayri theology and his works “form the major part of the written tradition of the Nusayris.”

Divine Manifestations

The Nusayri venerate Ali ibn Abu Talib as “supreme and eternal God”. Ali is said to be the creator and source of life, which is reflected in accounts of Nusayri confessions of faith. Such confessions include, “I confess there is no god but Ali” and “There is no God but Ali Ibn Abi Talib, with the bald forehead and temples, the adorable, and no veil but the Lord Muhammad, worthy to be praised, and no door other than the Lord Salman al-Farisi, the object of desire.” It is Ali who taught the Qur’an to Muhammad and Ali who is the God of the Qur’an.

Nusayri sources claim that Ali eventually proclaimed his own divinity in a public sermon in which he declared, “...I am the Lord of lords, the possessor of necks. I am al-Ali (the most high)... I am the one who commands life and death, who begat Jesus in the womb of his mother, Mary, and who sent the apostles and instructed the prophets!” The Qur’an itself is said to confirm Ali’s divinity, not in its outward meaning, but in its inner, allegorical, meaning. Several traditions are also ascribed to Muhammad in which the prophet himself testifies to the divinity of Ali. One important such testimony of Muhammad about Ali is related by Salman al-Farisi, lending it particular weight.

Thus, the Nusayri concept of divine manifestations or “incarnations” has two important characteristics, it is trinitarian and cyclical. God is said to have revealed himself in trinitarian fashion throughout history, the ultimate manifestation of which is in the three persons of Ali, Muhammad, and Salman al-Farisi, a Persian companion and evangelist of the prophet credited with masterminding the important “Battle of the Ditch”. This trio is often referred to by their initials in Arabic, Ayn Mim Sin, or AMS. They are also referred to by their “titles” which pass from manifestation to manifestation throughout history. Ali is associated with the Mana or “Meaning”, Muhammad is associated with the Ism or “Name” (sometimes called the Hijab or “Veil”), and Salman al-Farisi is associated with the Bab, or “Door”.

At the root of the Nusayri concept of God and the divine manifestations is the Nusayri cosmogony and cosmology, which resembles other gnostic cosmogonies and shares many concepts with Ismailism. From the beginning of time, Nusayris are said to have been “brilliant heavenly bodies and luminous stars, conscious of the distinction between obedience and disobedience. They did not eat, drink or pass excrement.” Beholding and praising God, who is Ali Ibn Abi Talib, they did nothing else for 7,077 years and seven hours, until they committed their first sin which was to boast about their own greatness, saying, “Surely he has created no more noble creatures than we are.”

Ali tests the Nusayris further, appearing to them seven times and demanding that they recognize and obey him. During these appearances, Ali was always accompanied by Muhammad (the Ism) and Salman al-Farisi (the Bab). When they refused or were unable to obey, Ali created a “lower sphere” in which to punish them and “put an end to their doubt about his nature.” He also told them that he would give them human forms, as opposed to their luminary ones, and would appear to them in “a veil akin to their human forms” together with the Ism and Bab.

The first of these manifestations of the Mana, Ism, and Bab was in the characters of Abel, Adam, and Gabriel respectively. The proceeding manifestations were in Seth, Noah, and Yail Ibn Fatin; Joseph, Jacob, and Ham Ibn Kush; Joshua, Moses, and Dan Ibn Usbaut; Asaf, Solomon, and Abd Allah Ibn Siman; Simon Peter, Jesus, and Rawzaba Ibn al-Marzuban; and finally in Ali, Muhammad, and Salman al-Farisi. In each manifestation it is the historically less important or subordinate person which is actually the Mana, the manifestation of God, Ali. For example, with regard to Jesus, it is Simon Peter who is the Mana and Jesus is only his Ism. In this way, the entire system of divine manifestations in seven cycles supports the belief that Muhammad is actually subordinate to Ali despite the outward appearance to the contrary.

Thus, there are seven manifestations of God which have occurred in seven cycles throughout history. As one ancient Nusayri catechism affirms in the fifth question “How many times did our master veil himself and appear in human form?” The answer is that “He veiled himself seven times.” The Druze also see seven divine manifestations in seven periods and, as Moosa points out, another ghulat sect, the Ahl-i Haqq, also conceives of time in seven cycles. He traces this ultimately back to a Harranian belief that the creator was manifested in seven forms. However, Moosa sees the specific instance of this view in Nusayri religion as “based on the Ismaili concept of seven emanations of the divine nature.” He claims that the Nusayri conception is similar to Ismailism but is lacking in philosophical subtlety, and further claims that the Nusayris were “incapable of philosophical speculation,” a claim which seems difficult to justify.

The manifestation is always said to have occurred in trinitarian fashion, but the relationship of the persons of the Nusayri trinity are significantly different from that of Christianity. It may be that the Nusayri concept derives from the Christian one ultimately, and one Nusayri source even identifies Ali with the Father, Muhammad with the Son, and Salman al-Farisi with the Holy Spirit. However, it is clear that the identification is with a Muslim misunderstanding of the Christian Trinity in which the Holy Spirit is actually the angel Gabriel.

While the three persons of the trinity are always associated with each other, the relationship is not of three coequal or coeternal divine persons. Rather, Ali is said to have created Muhammad and Muhammad created Salman al-Farisi. So the three together are the ultimate manifestation of God, but the Ism and Bab are subordinate and created, and are in fact lesser manifestations of Ali himself. The nature of the manifestation of the trinity in human form has been a subject of dispute in Nusayri theology. Similar to Christian debates about the nature of Christ, some groups maintained a more docetic conception of human “appearances” while others affirmed a formal incarnation of the divine in Ali.

Nusayri sources are united, however, in affirming that the persons of the trinity are, in fact, one. They are committed to the oneness of God as the “fundamental article” of the faith and so make pains to express the unity of the Mana, Ism, and Bab. According to a tradition ascribed to Imam Jafar al-Sadiq, “He who differentiates between the Ism and the Mana has blasphemed, and he who truly worships the Ism has also worshipped the Mana, and he who worships the Ism in place of the Mana is an infidel, but he who worships the Mana through the divine reality of the Ism has in fact professed the oneness of God.” Evidence for this trinitarian perspective is also found in the inner meaning of the Qur’an, particularly in the “bismillah” (in the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate) which opens 113 of the suras of the Qur’an. The formula is said to refer to Ali as God, Muhammad as the Merciful, and Salman al-Farisi as the
Compassionate.

The role of Muhammad, then, is subordinated to that of Ali, but still his identity as part of the trinity, “elevates” him in comparison with orthodox Islam. Muhammad is the last appearance of the Ism in human form, the first being Adam. He is the intermediary through which Ali created the universe, but is himself created. As the Ism, Muhammad points to, and leads to, Ali, who alone is to be worshipped.

Similarly, the role of Salman al-Farisi is subordinated to Muhammad, yet also part of the trinity. As the Bab, it is from Salman that the Qur’an emanates, equating him with the angel Gabriel, who was the first manifestation of the Bab, Salman. Historically and theologically, Salman al-Farisi holds a prominent role for all Shi’ites, not only because of his close association with Muhammad and the household of the prophet, but because he is believed to be the first to defend the right of Ali to succeed Muhammad as leader of the community. For Nusayris, then, this role is expanded. Salman is the means by which men can know and approach the Mana, Ali.

The divine manifestation in Nusayri religion does not cease with the seven periods up to the time of Ali, however. Since the teaching originated with Muhammad ibn Nusayr who proclaimed the Imam as divine, Nusayris believe that each of the twelve Imams was a divine manifestation and that each of them had a Bab but not an Ism. Rather, the twelve Imams “are spoken of as the culmination of the sixty-three personifications of the Ism.” and the permanent Ism is Muhammad. With the veneration of the Imams as divine, and the assertion that Muhammad Ibn Nusayr is the Bab of Imam Hasan al-Askari, Nusayris constructed a “quasi-historical” list of Babs to accompany the list of Imams. Various miracles are attributed to these Babs, in the pattern of Salman al-Farisi.


Muhammad Ibn Nusayr is the “ultimate bab of this category”, the archetypal incarnation of Salman al-Farisi, the third person of the trinity. As with each of the Babs of the Imams, he “transmits [the] divine knowledge to the faithful of his age.” When the eleventh Imam died without leaving an heir, Ibn Nusayr also became the Bab of the twelfth Imam, Muhammad, the Mahdi. As Bar-Asher and Kofsky note, al-Tabarani writes very briefly about the first ten Babs of the Imams, but devotes a very detailed section to Ibn Nusayr. In a significant passage from al-Tabarani’s Kitab Al-Ma’arif, Hasan al-Askari instructs a seeker to “learn the guide-posts” of his religion from him who is rejected as a ghulat and denounced as a heretic, namely Muhammad ibn Nusayr. Ibn Nusayr was succeeded by Muhammad al-Jannan al-Junbulani, and then al-Khasibi, and eventually al-Tabarani, each of whom continued to shape Nusayri theology.

Antinominianism

Nusayris typically do not perform the Muslim ritual prayer, nor do they worship in mosques, fast during Ramadan, pay the mandatory alms tax, or perform the pilgrimage to Mecca. This outward disregard for the central obligations of Islam is justified by a tradition of complex allegorical interpretation.

As with the conception of God, the Nusayri antinominian position regarding religious duties and the allegorical interpretation of Scripture are rooted in the Nusayri gnostic cosmogony. Since Nusayris find themselves on earth as a consequence of their fall from a state of contemplation of the divine splendor, the religious life is a “mission to set his soul on the path leading back to the divine world from which it was banished.” This return to the divine world occurs through several stages, the goal of which is knowledge of God in the gnostic sense, described as ma’rifa. In fact, the very title of an important Nusayri text by al-Tabarani, Kitab Al-Ma’arif, “clearly alludes to gnostic knowledge being the core of the Nusayri faith.”

Worship of God is identified with gnosis, so that it is progressing in this secret knowledge of Ali which constitutes Nusayri worship. It is with an injunction to attain this gnostic mystery that al-Tabarani begins Kitab Al-Ma’arif. This being the case, “inner knowledge thus becomes the conceptual axis” of al-Tabarani’s work and of the Nusayri interpretation of religion in general. In fact, a tradition attributed to Hasan al-Askari explains that, God had lifted the obligations of worship according to commandments and “only wanted them to know Him, for gnosis (ma’rifa) is the worship of God.” Thus, it is the reduction of worship to gnostic knowledge of God which leads to the rejection of traditional ritual and literal reading of Scripture.

The stage on which this gnostic ascent takes place is the system of metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls which binds humans to an unending mortal cycle. For Nusayri males there is hope of escaping this cycle through ma’rifa, which can eventually lead to again becoming a “luminous entity” after passing through successively more perfect bodies. But such hope does not exist for women, who are believed to be created from demons, or “the sins of demons”, nor for Sunnis or other non-Nusayris who are doomed to repeat the cycles of metempsychosis into animals, plants, “short plants”, trash, “dry plants” or, in the worst cases, into insects.

Not only is salvation not to be achieved through obedience to religious obligations such as the five pillars present in orthodox Sunnism, al-Tabarani writes that “the precepts of fasting, prayer, pilgrimage, and holy war are demonic, leading to perdition.” The pillars of Islam are therefore radically reinterpreted according to their “inner meaning” or essence which is also gnostic in nature. The first pillar described is Salat or ritual prayer, which is traditionally performed five times per day, and is here reinterpreted as knowledge of the five members of the holy family, Fatir (Fatma), Hasan, Husayn, and Muhsin (or Muhassin). Nusayri texts identify Hasan and Husayn as angels and elaborates significantly on the role of Fatir/Fatima, who is in some sense divine. This is something of a paradox given the Nusayri conception of women as the product of demons, but Fatma is equated with the essence of the prophet and the source from which the Imams emanate. She is also the personification of the Night of Power, the night during the month of Ramadan on which prayer is worth one thousand months of prayer given at any other time.

Qur’anic verses regarding prayer are allegorized by the same principle. For example, al-Tabarani comments on Q. 29:45, “Prayer forbids indecency and dishonor”, saying that “it is rather the ism who commands and forbids, and he is the ruler of the whole kingdom”. The indecency and dishonor are then interpreted as Abu Bakr and Umar, the first two caliphs. They are described as, “the root of every falsification and the head of every hypocrisy.”

The rules for ablution, or ritual washing before prayer, are also allegorized in a complex system associating the five facial cavities with the five members of the holy family. The distinction between fingers and toes is associated with the distinction between men and women (represented by the toes). And the Shi’ite tradition of wiping, rather than washing the feet is identified with “the inferior degree of the defeminized woman in the divine realm,” since women, as such, cannot enter the divine realm.

In one interpretation, the fast of Ramadan (saum) is allegorized and said to apply to speech rather than food, in the example of the vows of silence by Mary and Zecharia in the Qur’an. The interpretation is rooted in a tradition which describes the silence of Abd Allah, the father of Muhammad, during the month of Ramadan. In this antinominian interpretation, Abd Allah represents the traditional obligations of Ramadan and Muhammad represents the breaking of the fast, thus lifting the religious obligation. However, al-Tabarani expands the interpretation to apply the concept of the fast to the principle of taqiyya, the Nusayri prohibition on revealing religious secrets to the uninitiated until a time of eschatological unveiling.

It is the principle of taqiyya which preserves the secrecy of the Nusayri religion. As with other Shi’ites, Nusayris are expected, even commanded, to hide their beliefs in the presence of outsiders. For the Nusayris this is extended to require a “perfect dissimulation of external devotion, exceeding that of ordinary Muslims”. In the presence of Shi’ites, Nusayris are expected to talk and act like Shi’ites, and in the presence of Sunnis, they are expected to behave like Sunnis, even in the observance of rituals and obligations which they believe to be abhorrent. Moosa relates a Nusayri metaphor in which Nusayris are a “body” which is not corrupted or affected by putting on “the clothing” of any of the other sects. Jihad is also apparently associated with taqiyya by some Nusayris, who view the struggle implied in Jihad as insisting on concealing the secrets of the religion from unbelievers, even when this concealment puts a person in serious danger.

Conclusion

From Nusayri texts themselves, Nusayris have historically embraced their own rejection by orthodox or “mainstream” Islam and have reciprocated the sentiment in such practices as the ceremonial cursing of Sunni caliphs, for example, in the event that a Nusayri is forced to pretend to perform the Salat. Similarly, while Nusayris have been labeled ghulat or “exaggerators”, they have called orthodox Muslims muqassira, “those who fell short” with regard to their recognition of the divinity of Ali. Al-Tabarani significantly wrote of the Nusayri religion that “The true Shi’a...is the brand of Shi’a denounced by “mainstream” Shi’ism as heresy.” This radical separating from the mainstream seems to necessarily preclude the Nusayri religion from being associated with Islam as historically understood.

While some authors have tried to show how the Nusayri religion is legitimately within the fold of Islam, the majority concur that it is better described as a separate religion, a conclusion which seems justified. The Nusayri concept of God as trinitarian and manifested in historical cycles cannot be reconciled with the Qur’an as it is understood by Islam or with any traditional Muslim sources. The Nusayri understanding is unique and seems to be a syncretistic combination of various religious concepts. Moosa identifies distinct Harranian, Zoroastrian, Christian, and gnostic elements in Nusayri beliefs and practices. This conflicts with the orthodox Islamic understanding of Islam and the Qur’an as revealed directly from God to Muhammad without human interpolation.

The Nusayri cosmogony, as the basis for theology, is also particularly un-Islamic. It does not derive from or rely on any text recognized by orthodox Islam in all its diversity. While several individual elements in the cosmogony are at odds with Islam, such as the demonic origin of women or the transmigration of souls, it is the very existence of such an authoritative cosmogony as a source for theology which seems to be irreconcilable with Islam.

Finally, the radical antinominianism in Nusayri religion not only requires the rejection of essential practices of orthodox Islam, such as the profession of faith or the pilgrimage to Mecca, but also arises out of allegorical interpretations which could not be arrived at outside Nusayri circles and which seem constructed in order to support the gnostic structure of the Nusayri religion.

Therefore, by defining themselves in opposition and exclusion to all other Muslims and embracing beliefs and practices which defy the most basic obligations of Islam, Nusayris seem to willingly place themselves outside of Islam itself. Furthermore, with the doctrine of taqiyya, any attempt at adopting Muslim beliefs and practices or expressed desire to be associated with mainstream Islam must necessarily be suspected as disingenuous, particularly given the “negative self-definition” that Nusayris have of themselves which honors those who are rejected by other Muslims as heretics.

The complex history which resulted in the development of the Nusayri religion is almost as fascinating as the religious system it produced, which commends itself for further study. The presence and influence of Nusayris in Syria and Turkey seems still only superficially understood, and the difference between Nusayri religious expression in the two countries must be greater than the current literature would suggest, given the stark cultural, social, and linguistic differences represented by the Turkish-Syrian border. Still, broadly speaking, the Nusayri concept of divine manifestations and the radical antinominianism rooted in gnostic principles, may be understood as the major distinctives of this religion, an understanding of which brings the rest of this religion’s intricacies to light.

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# USULI AND AKHBARI SHIAS

Usulis are the majority Twelver Shi'a Muslim group. They differ from their now much smaller rival Akhbari group in favoring the use of ijtihad i.e. reasoning in the creation of new rules of fiqh; in assessing hadith to exclude traditions they believe unreliable; in considering it obligatory to obey a mujtahid when seeking to determine Islamically correct behavior.

Since the crushing of the Akhbaris in the late 18th century, it has been the dominant school of Twelver Shi'a and now forms an overwhelming majority within the Twelver Shia denomination.

The Usuli believe that the Hadith collections contained traditions of very varying degrees of reliability, and that critical analysis was necessary to assess their authority. In contrast the Akhbari believe that the sole sources of law are the Qur'an and the Hadith, in particular the Four Books accepted by the Shia: everything in these sources is in principle reliable, and outside them there was no authority competent to enact or deduce further legal rules.

In addition to assessing the reliability of the Hadith, Usuli believe the task of the legal scholar is to establish intellectual principles of general application (Usul al-fiqh), from which particular rules may be derived by way of deduction: accordingly, legal scholarship has the tools in principle for resolving any situation, whether or not it is specifically addressed in Quran or Hadith (see Ijtihad).

The dominance of the Usuli over the Akhbari came in last half of the 18th century when Muhammad Baqir Behbahani led Usulis to challenge Akhbari dominance and "completely routed the Akhbaris at Karbala and Najaf," so that "only a handful of Shi'i ulama have remained Akhbari to the present day."

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# Alawi

The Alawis, also known as Alawites, Nusayris and Ansaris are a prominent minority religious group centred in Syria who constitute a sect of Shī‘ah Islam. They form a small minority in Syria, and traditionally have had little power, in part because the Islamic status of their religion is disputed by some Muslims. However since 1971, Syria's presidents have been Alawis from the Assad family, and there are currently many Alawis in senior military and intelligence offices.

Traditionally Alawis live in the eponymous An-Nusayriyah Mountains along the Mediterranean coast of Syria. Latakia and Tartous are the region's principal cities. Alawis are also concentrated in the plains around Hama and Homs.

The Alawis take their name from Ali ibn Abi Talib cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, who was the first Shi'a Imam and the 4th and last "Rightly Guided Caliph" of Sunni Islam.

Until fairly recently Alawis were referred to as "Nusairis", named after Abu Shu'ayb Muhammad ibn Nusayr (d. ca 270 h, 863 AD) who is reported to have attended the circles of the last three Imams of the prophet Muhammad's line. This name is considered derogatory, and Alawis refer to themselves as Alawis.

Nusairis have allegedly "generally preferred" to be called 'Alawis, because of its association with 'Ali ibn Abi Talib, rather than Abu Shu'ayb Muhammad Ibn Nusayr. In September 1920, French occupational forces instituted the policy of referring to them by the term "'Alawi".

In older sources they are often referred to as Ansaris, as this is how they referred to themselves, according to the reverend Samuel Lyde, who lived among Alawis in the mid-19th century. Another source states that "Ansari", as referring to Alawites, is simply a Western mistransliteration of Nosairi.

Alawis are distinct from the Turkish-based Alevi religious sect, although the terms share similar etymologies.

The origin of the Alawis is disputed. The Alawis themselves trace their origins to the followers of the eleventh Imam, Hassan al-AAskari (d. 873), and his pupil ibn Nusayr (d. 868).

The sect seems to have been organised by a follower of Muhammad ibn Nusayr known as al-Khasibi, who died in Aleppo about 969. In 1032, Al-Khasībī's grandson and pupil al-Tabarani moved to Latakia, which was then controlled by the Byzantine Empire. Al-Tabarani became the perfector of the Alawi faith through his numerous writings. He and his pupils converted the rural population of the Syrian Coastal Mountain Range and the plain of Cilicia to the Alawi faith.

Samuel Lyde believed the population was of ancient Canaanite origins, but that parts had come from where the sect originated. Professor Felix von Luschan (1911), according to his conclusions from anthropometric measurements, makes the Druze, Maronites, and Alawites, together with the Armenians, Bektashis, ‘Ali-Ilahis, and Yezidis of Asia Minor and Persia, the modern representatives of the ancient Hittites.

Beliefs

Alawis are self-described Shi'i Muslims, and have been called Shia by other sources including the highly influential Lebanese Shia cleric Musa al-Sadr of Lebanon. On the other hand, conservative Sunnis do not always recognize Alawi as Muslims. At least one source has compared them to Baha'is, Babis, Bektashis, Ahmadis, and "similar groups that have arisen within the Muslim community", and declared that "it has always been the consensus of the Muslim Ulama, both Sunni and Shi'i, that the Nusayri Alawi are kuffar unbelievers and mushrikun polytheists." The Alawi themselves have insisted that they are Twelver Shi'ites since at least the 1920s, in spite of the French encouraging them to identify as a separate religion.

Heterodox

Many of the tenets of the faith are secret and known only to a select few Alawi. In the 19th and 20th centuries, however, an Alawite named Sulaiman al-Adni converted to Christianity and compiled a book called Al-Bakurah as-Suliamaniya fi Kashf Asrar ad-Diyanah an-Nusairiyah (The First Fruits of Sulaiman in Revealing the Secrets of the Nusairi Religion) in 1863. Orientalists like Louis Massignon gained access to a number of Nusairi manuscripts.

According to scholar Umar F. Abd-Allah, who uses Sulaiman al-Adni book along with other sources, the Alawis, like the Ismailis and related groups, believe that the Shariah has both an esoteric, allegorical (Batini) meaning and an exoteric, literal (zahiri) meaning and that only the hidden meaning is intended. Alawis believe the esoteric meaning is known only to the Imams and later to the Bab and was hidden even to the Islamic prophet Muhammad himself. Only the Bab has access to this esoteric meaning in the absence of the Imam.

Alawis believe in a "trinity" or "schema" of `Ain-Mim-Sin, which stands for `Ali, Muhammad, and Salman al-Farsi, the Persian Companion of Muhammad. Muhammad is known as ism, or "name", Ali as bab, or "door", and Salman al-Farsi as ma'na, or "meaning", with both Muhammad and Ali considered to be emanations of Salman al-Farsi. According to Abd-Allah, each of these three is said to have been an incarnation of God. Ali, however, constitutes the most important part of this trinity. The Alawi testimony of faith is: `I have borne witness that there is no God but He, the most High, the object of worship and that there is no concealing veil (hijab) except the lord Muhammad, the object of praise, (as-Sayyid Muhmmad al-Mahmud), and there is not Bab except the lord Salman al-Farisi` The Nusairis believe in the subsequent incarnation of God in other persons after the passing of `Ali, Muhammad, and Salman al-Farisi.

Orthodox

Alawi man in Latakia, early 20th centurySome sources have suggested that the non-Muslim nature of many of the historical Alawi beliefs notwithstanding, Alawi beliefs may have changed in recent decades. In the early 1970s a booklet entitled al-`Alawiyyun Shi'atu Ahl al-Bait (The Alawis are Followers of the Household of the Prophet), was issued in which doctrines of the Imami Shi'ah were described as 'Alawi, and which was "signed by of numerous `Alawi` men of religion".] This book and Musa Sadr's proclamation have led one scholar to wonder whether "a mass conversion from Nusairism to Shi'ah Islam" has taken place. Another scholar suggests that factors such as the high profile of Alawi in Syria, the strong aversion of the Muslim majority to apostasy, and the relative lack of importance of religious doctrine to Alawi identity may have induced Syrian leader Hafez al-Assad and his successor son to press their fellow Alawi "to behave like "regular Muslims", shedding or at least concealing their distinctive aspects."

Alawis have their own scholars, referred to as shaikhs, although more recently there has been a movement to bring Alawism and the other branches of Twelver Islam together through educational exchange programs in Syria and Qumm.

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See also Alevi and Druze.

4 comments:

  1. Really interesting post. I've pinched bits for my blog and will put your name on but can't find a link.

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    1. You are learning as I am am and at the same time spreading knowledge

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  2. Have any of these sects been recognised by Imam Khomeini?

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  3. What causes the tug of war between the Middle East Muslim sects?
    Sectarianism or Regional and Global Politics?

    There seems to be greater tug-of-war among groups of Sunni Islam: the ascetic Wahhabis, the activist Muslim Brotherhood, and the statist neo-Ottomans, each competing for leadership.


    Is Iran the regions main Shiite power missing from this drama?

    The list goes on. The Lebanese Prime Minister detained by Saudi Arabia, in 2017, is a Sunni.

    Are the Shiites involved in the bitter inter-Palestinian rift between Fatah and Hamas?



    Shiites are not involved in the Algerian-Moroccan conflict over Western Sahara, the ongoing Saudi-Jordanian tensions, Saudi-Moroccan strains, Saudi-Qatari feud, or the efforts for influence between Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the U.A.E. in the Horn of Africa.

    The Turkish campaign against the Kurds, likewise, is an intra-Sunni affair. The continued chaos in Libya, where there is no relevant sectarian fault line, stems from ethnic, tribal, or regional rivalries among Sunnis, as do clashes in western Iraq and geographic tensions between the Tunisian coast and hinterlands.
    In Iraq, intra-Shiite tensions define the political space today and may play a more important role in shaping future politics than the sectarian divide.

    Shiite Iran—not Sunni Turkey or Sunni Gulf countries—was the first to supply weapons and help the predominantly Sunni Kurds when they were threatened by ISIS.


    Saudi Arabia’s attempt to build ties to Shiite elements in Iraq and Iran’s good relations with some Iraqi Sunnis do not fit neatly in the so called Shiah Sunni sectarian conflict .


    What about the refusal of Pakistan which has one of the world’s largest Sunni populations—to listen to Saudi Arabia’s call for arms in Yemen.

    There is, of course, a Sunni-Shiite divide. It is constantly put to use by Saudi Arabia and Iran to mobilize their respective constituencies in the struggle for regional influence.

    Ideas of Hussein Aga

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